Saturday, November 14, 2015


The devil reappeared in Paris yesterday.

It shall be vanquished.

(This portrait of Allah, by Thomas Van Stein, was painted on the Ile St. Louis in Paris, walking distance from the murder and mayhem left behind in Allah's name.)

Friday, November 13, 2015


It was inevitable.

We warned Monaco, we warned France.

To preserve the status quo (i.e. massive corruption), it was preferable for them to shoot the messenger.

Wednesday, September 23, 2015



On Retainer to Prince Albert of Monaco

Jean-Leonard de Massy had attended Carteron’s June summit and made an interesting new contact:  Sergey Pugachev—a wealthy Russian living in Nice who had designs on Monaco.  

Pugachev told de Massy he was building a “six star” hotel on Moscow’s Red Square and wanted SBM, Monaco’s hotel group, to manage it, even though SBM was not, and never had been, in the business of managing hotels beyond the principality’s borders.  

Pugachev had just purchased a Monaco institution called Sam’s Place—a homey Monte Carlo restaurant—and transformed it into a Moscow-style bar and restaurant called Altovia to give his grown sons—Viktor and Alexandre, Monaco residents both—something useful to do.

The Prince concurred that I should run traces on Pugachev, hence this new assignment.

According to one of his sons, Pugachev was laundering money for President Putin along the Cote d’Azur, and perhaps was doing so under duress, because Pugachev apparently harbored concerns about how his relationship with Putin would evolve into the future.  

So as a pre-condition to signing the SBM deal, after SBM’s board agreed to proceed, Pugachev demanded a private meeting with the Prince.  

I advised the Prince to snub Pugachev and pull the plug on this deal, and he did so.  

It would be cheesy, I pointed out, that the very first time SBM ventured outside of Monaco to manage a hotel, it did so in Russia, whose president had just murdered a UK citizen and, in the process, had subjected parts of London to radiation poisoning.  

And it was just as well, since the reason Pugachev wanted to see the Prince was to request Monegasque nationality as part of the deal, for which he was also willing to pay millions of euros in support of projects in Monaco.

Excerpted from...

Available as a free download @

We have never agreed with Putin on anything... until now.

Pugachev is an evil scumbag.

After Prince Albert turned his back on the intelligence service he commissioned, he rolled out a red carpet for Pugachev in Monaco.

Tuesday, July 28, 2015

Friday, June 5, 2015


It involves Russian interests (but of course), HSBC Monaco (no surprise here), and Monaco's corrupt judiciary (but of course).

So what else is new?

We've been saying this for years.

Apparently, this exposure is taking place "while the Prince is on holiday."

What they don't get is:  the Prince is always on holiday!

Monday, June 1, 2015


POLO, my senior police asset, reported that Gerard Brianti—Michel Pastor’s cousin—received a kickback from every football player contracted to play for Monaco’s team.  

This had come to his attention through a French investigation of an individual named Fabien Pivateau, who had come up against Brianti as a corrupt rival footballers agent—and who was connected to Corsican nationalists.

Next meeting was with a source we had cultivated within Monaco’s football team.  

Without the Prince’s permission, a new football coach had been appointed by the duo running the team—Michel Pastor and his cousin Gerard Brianti—from which Brianti allegedly received an illegal kickback.

Our football spy informed us that Monaco Football Investment (MFI), ostensibly a private company, received government funds; that MFI was in fact a Michel Pastor cover for utilizing government money to support Monaco’s football team—in violation of European football league rules.  

If exposed, this could result in Monaco’s expulsion from the league.  

According to our spy, the Prince approved this orally, to finance minister Franck Biancheri, and this serious breach of league rules was being covered up by three persons:  Pastor, Brianti, and Biancheri.  (I immediately suspected that Biancheri had feigned the Prince’s “oral approval,” the same way he allegedly took three million euros from Adnan Houdrouge in exchange for permission to invest in Monaco's football team, money supposedly destined for the Prince.)

HSBC in Monaco, which had loaned money to MFI, said our spy, also loaned three and a half million euros to Brianti personally “based on nothing” i.e. no collateral.  And Brianti had just purchased a new boat, from Chantal in San Lorenzo, Italy, for three-to-four million euros, of which he paid 25 percent in cash, allegedly from football kickbacks.

The in-house accountant from ASM, Monaco’s football team was brought to M-Base because he did not know where else to turn.  

He provided me with documents that detailed financial irregularities and suspicious payments, including payments to Swiss accounts, which was illegal.  

It was also illegal for Gerard Brianti to commingle funds from ASM with Ageprim, his own company, yet these documents confirmed this is what Brianti had done and continued to do.  

This accountant told me he’d already made the Prince aware of the illegality of these transactions.  

He could not understand why the Prince, with such documentary evidence, had taken no action.

Alas, Albert was too busy playing volleyball.

Excerpted from...

Sunday, May 31, 2015


Expensive works of art offered as inducements are at the center of the latest series of damaging allegations around the bidding process for the 2018 and 2022 World Cups, a published report claimed.
A painting, believed to be a Picasso, was allegedly gifted to Union of European Football Associations (UEFA) president and FIFA executive member Michel Platini in return for his support for the eventually successful Russian bid for the 2018 global showpiece.
Another FIFA voting member, Michel D'Hooghe, from Belgium, was also the recipient of a landscape painting, given to him in a package wrapped in brown paper by Viacheslav Koloskov, a former Russian executive committee member working for his nation's attempt to host the 2018 tournament, it is alleged in a report in The Sunday Times.

This sounds remarkably like how Putin bribed Prince Albert of Monaco with a dacha built by Russian construction workers on the grounds of Roc Agel, the Prince's private estate.

In return, Albert, a member of the IOC, assured that Sochi would win as venue for the 2014 Winter Olympics.

The following is reprinted from a December 2010 blog post:

Prince Albert II of Monaco is a member of the International Olympic Committee (IOC).

As such, Albert votes on where the Olympics shall be played. This is a highly-competitive business.

In early July 2007, the IOC met to vote on which city should host the 2014 Winter Olympics.

Albert voted for Sochi, in Russia.

Several months earlier, Russian laborers began building a three-bedroom dacha (traditional Russian house) on the grounds of Roc Agel, Prince Albert's private estate in the mountains behind Monaco. 

The dacha was a personal gift from Vladimir Putin.

It is a violation of the IOC's Code of Ethics for an IOC Member to receive a gift from a country engaged in bidding to host the Olympic Games.

Albert never declared his gift to IOC's leadership.

He kept it secret.

This was a blatant violation of the IOC's Code of Ethics.

Rules Concerning Conflicts of Interest Affecting the Behavior of Olympic Parties

Article 3

A conflict of interest arises when personal and/or material involvement with suppliers of the Olympic party concerned.

Prince Albert breached the IOC's Code of Ethics when he agreed to receive the personal gift of a house from Russia, built from scratch by Russian laborers on his private property, at a time when the Russian city of Sochi was in competition to host the Winter 2014 Olympics.

Article 7

In the event that a person neglects to declare a situation of a potential conflict of interests, the IOC may refer the case to the Ethics Commission... leading to sanctions.

Wednesday, May 20, 2015


Various groups of close associates of Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin are laundering money through Monaco and are suspected of acting on Putin's behalf.

One such group includes PETROTRADE S.A.M.

PETROTRADE is an oil company registered in Monaco. 

It first came to the attention of Monaco authorities in 1999 when they were contacted by the Polish government with regard to a money laundering investigation of BMG PETROTRADE-POLAND.

PETROTRADE is ostensibly owned by Pierre Raphael Ergas, a French national born 20 April 1950 in Marseille.

Ergas, in 1991, set up RUSSIAN TRADE DEVELOPMENT at 27 Avenue Princess Charlotte in Monaco.

Ergas connects to known Russian organized crime figures.

PETROTRADE also connects to the late Bruce Rappaport, who has a long history with corrupt Russian interests, and was long suspected of laundering money from the oil industry. 

Rappaport first met Ergas in 1992.

A majority shareholder of Inter Maritime Bank in Switzerland, Rappaport was expelled from Monaco in 2001, but was allowed back six months later after money changed hands.

Friday, May 15, 2015


My French asset, Liddy, provided me with a report on a Monaco-based company called Sotrama.  

LIDDY claimed Sotrama was a front for Russian arms dealing, that it laundered money, and that President Putin and his cronies from St. Petersburg were behind it.  

The widow of the Russian who’d fronted Sotrama, Dimitros Skigin, felt uncompensated.   

When told Skigin’s ownership of the company was just a façade, with no inheritance due her, she ran to French police and started blabbing.  

LIDDY’s point was, if news of this got out, it would embarrass Monaco.

In London, I met my SIS contact for a bottle of ’94 Gran Riserva rioja at Ball Brothers in St. James’s.  

“The French have offered me ten million euros to piss off,” I joked.  

“It could happen,” he replied. “And I get half.”

My escalation of liaison relationships improved our ability to operate, but probably made the French nervous.  

“The French consider Monaco their hunting ground,” he said, “and you’re uncovering things the French want exclusively for themselves.”  

(Example: intelligence on oil distribution companies—Sotrama, Petro Trade—that linked to Russian organized crime and President Putin.)

I recruited a new agent:  a Russian born female, very bright with stunning looks, and good Russian contacts around the principality.  

More importantly, she worked at Sotrama, the Monaco-based company, linked to President Putin, we suspected of money laundering.  

I code-named her MARTHA, after Martha Mitchell.  (We already had LIDDY and HUNT and I rather enjoyed a Watergate theme.)

MARTHA revealed that Sotrama declared only 100,000 euros per month to Monaco’s fiscal authorities, just the amount needed for salaries and operations and a small profit.  

But in actual fact, this oil distribution and trading company was laundering “millions and millions” of euros per month for its parent company Horizon Oil Terminal in St. Petersburg.  

MARTHA attended a party in Cap Ferrat, at which Sotrama’s chief executive proposed a toast to the Russian president, saying, “Without Putin none of this would be possible.”

Soon, MARTHA contacted me with urgent news:  Sergey Vasiliev, the Russian we suspected as the link between Horizon Oil Terminal in St. Petersburg and Sotrama, had arrived in Monaco for meetings with Sotrama’s chief executive, Michele Tecchia.  

It was the manner in which Vasiliev arrived that intrigued me:  a chartered helicopter from Italy to Monaco’s heliport, a ploy to avoid French Immigration.  

Vasiliev connected to the Ta’ambov organized crime group in St. Petersburg.  He apparently kept a Bentley garaged in Monaco and was said to be looking for a slip in the port to berth a boat he hoped to buy.

When I saw my asset LIDDY again, he reported that the French intelligence services had been frightened off Sotrama due to the Putin connection and political sensitivities at a time when France was striving to negotiate a long-term energy deal with Gazprom.

Excerpted from...

Available as a free download @...

Sotrama is registered as an S.A.M. company in Monaco for "shipping operations and trade management."

The file on Sotrama maintained by Monaco's police department begins with these words: "Society bound to Russian Organized Crime."

Obvious Question: If Monaco's police believe Sotrama to be "bound to Russian organized crime," why does Monaco's government continue to permit Sotrama to operate as a Monaco-registered S.A.M. company?

Some background:

Close associates of Vladimir Putin are laundering money through Monaco, acting on Putin's behalf.

One such group of associates is Sotrama, which ties to the Ta'ambov Russian organized crime group in St. Petersburg.

Sotrama was founded by Dimitros Skigin, born 3 February 1956 in Leningrad. Skigin was expelled from Monaco in 2000 due to his shady associations.

Oddly, Sotrama was not expelled along with its owner, and has conducted business in the principality ever since.

Skigin moved to Saint-Jean Cap Ferrat and died of cancer in 2003.

Monaco's police file on Skigin links him and Sotrama to Ilia Traber, a member of the Tambov criminal group in St. Petersburg, Russia.

In addition, the file links Skigin and Sotrama to Guennadi Timtchenko, who is reputed to be Vladimir Putin's personal banker.

Skigin was replaced as chairman of Sotrama by Michele Tecchia, an Italian-born resident of Monaco.

Monaco's police file on Michele Tecchia explicitly states that through Sotrama Tecchia launders monies derived from criminal activity.

Let us now revert to an excerpt from a speech delivered by Prince Albert II of Monaco on July 12th, 2005:

"The importance of Monaco's financial market will require extreme vigilance to avoid the development of the type of financial activities which are not welcome in our country. To avoid such deviance, Monaco must function in harmony with all those organizations who share the same aim. Monaco must therefore respect the requirements of the Financial Action Task Force on Money Laundering."

Prince Albert's words beg a second obvious question: 

If Monaco's interior ministry knows that Sotrama is connected to Russian organized crime and knows that Michele Tecchia uses Sotrama to launder criminal money, why does it turn a blind eye, thus rendering the Sovereign Prince of Monaco a  liar?

Michele Tecchia was born 12 September 1942 in Caserta, Italy.

Tecchia's Monaco police file boldly states: "Head of laundering the proceeds of crime with regard to the activity of S.A.M. Sotrama."

Tecchia is the main representative of Caravel Establishment, which holds major shares in Sotrama.

Caravel Establishment holds major shares in two other shady companies: Horizon International Trading AG and Petroruss Inc.

All trace to...

Thursday, May 14, 2015


Looking for Vladimir Putin's money in Europe?

Meet Graham Alan Pedder Smith, Putin's Liechtenstein linchpin.

Born 13 March 1940 in Scotland, Graham Smith operates in Liechtenstein, where he acts as the nominee front for a network of companies utilized by Putin and his cronies, laundering their money.

Smith operates from Industriestrasse 105, Ruggell, Liechtenstein.

Smith resides at Asperguat, 9492 Eschen, Liechtenstein.

The companies Smith administrates include Sotrama S.A.M., and Petroruss Inc. of Monaco.

These companies link to Petersburg Oil Terminal in St. Petersburg, Russia, also fronted by Smith in Liechtenstein.

Smith is the linchpin of the Dimitros Skigin fortune, which was estimated at $600 million at the time of Skigin's death in 2003.

In 1990 Smith and his wife, Isolde Reinhilde Smith, were cited as defendants in a UK court case resulting from the collapse of London United Insurance (LUI). Some $60 million had been paid to companies in Liechtenstein controlled by Graham and Isolde Smith.

In 1992 Smith was fined 5,000 pounds and struck from the (UK) Institute of Chartered Accountants for failing to cooperate with the inquiry into the collapse of LUI and the tracing of funds to Liechtenstein.

Smith operates in Liechtenstein under an umbrella company called FIBEKO TREUHANDANSTALT.

His associate in these affairs is Markus M. Hasler.

Here is a partial list of companies administered in Liechtenstein by Graham Smith:


* Sotrama S.A.M.
* Petroruss Inc.
* Petromar


* Horizon International Trading
* Cat
* Dimas Familienstiftung
* Kanobo Familienstiftung
* MS Sansai Familiensiftung
* Fibeko Treuhandanstalt
* Santley Establishment
* Keynote Establishment
* Adron Foundation
* Neona Anstalt
* Century Anstalt
* Topos Verlag
* Protegaagentur anstalt
* Elsna Anstalt
* Nasdor, Inc.


* Golden Nights Limited
* Ballyhoo Investments Limited
* Tenth Planet Limited


* Cote Investissement


* PNT-GSM Group
* Constantine
* NEVSKAYA Investitionaya (AOST)
* Petersburg Oil Terminal
* Petrobuild ((AOST)
* Ultra Sport
* Wings of America (JV-AOST)
* Baltic Bunkering Company


Russians see Monaco "as the most strategic place to hide money," says Robert Eringer, who headed up Monaco’s intelligence division from 2002 to 2007. 

"Even if they’re in favor with Putin now, they know they might not be tomorrow and they better have their money in a safe place outside Moscow."

Kudos to reporter Dana Kennedy for penning a perfect piece.

It sums up what Monaco has evolved into under a prince... 

Friday, April 24, 2015


November 2005

A trusted informant passed me disturbing news about two persons very close to the Prince who were part of what I would later come to know as the Paris Clique:  Thierry Lacoste, a lawyer known to the Prince since childhood, son of Nadia Lacoste, who for many years handled media relations for the Palace, and Lacoste’s good friend Steven Saltzman, an American, and son of Harry Saltzman, one of the original James Bond movie producers.  

Both were said to be waiting in the wings for Albert to inherit the throne. 

Furthermore, Saltzman allegedly possessed a videotape he had made at the Prince’s fortieth birthday party inside a Paris striptease-club in which a young woman is seen to perform a sexual act upon him.  

Saltzman had allegedly taken to showing this video at select parties around Monaco, saying, “This is what I have on your Prince.”  

Excerpted from...

Available as a free download @...

Saturday, April 18, 2015


In January 2004, we felt that the Hereditary Prince Albert was still unprepared for the role of Sovereign.  

That afternoon, we cautioned him that upon the death of his father everyone from everywhere would come out of the woodwork to make power plays.

“Like who,” the Prince challenged.  “Hit me.”

“Tamara Rotolo,” I replied.  It hit him harder than a slap across the face.

Tamara Rotolo was the American woman with whom the Prince sired an illegitimate daughter.  

She had tried to sue him in California for child support, but the judge decreed lack of jurisdiction over the Prince.  We’d acquired photographs of the Prince’s daughter, Jazmin Grace Grimaldi, born March 4th, 1992, and I presented them to him. 

“Where did you get these?” he asked.

“You kidding?  There’s nothing I can’t get.  Rotolo is now suing her ex-lawyer for negligence over the way he handled her case.  And she’s trying to sue you again, this time in a French court.  Would you like us to monitor this situation?”

Yes, the Prince wanted this situation monitored.

The technique we intended to use: our insertion-oriented Book Model, which could also be applied to others.  Simply put, we would pose an operative as a writer—a book author.  

We would equip the writer/author with a fully backstopped legend, replete with “book contract” from a reputable publisher.

The subject of the book:  Prince Albert of Monaco.  

Our investigative “author” would make contact with celebrity magazines such as Paris Match and the Italian Oggi, identify the journalists charged with digging up dirt on the Prince and his family, find out what they knew, what they were working on, and, if possible, determine the identities of their sources, who would then be approached in similar fashion.  

Furthermore, our operative could then “leak” information we wished to see published to his new media contacts.

The Prince thought this plan brilliant and authorized us to proceed.  

Hence Operation Hound Dog was born.

Within two weeks I set the basics in place:  FLOATER would pose as an author contracted to write an unauthorized biography entitled Prince of Sport.  

Phase One for FLOATER:  fully investigate the Rotolo matter while reaching out to the tabloid press.

FLOATER’s first pretext call was to Bruce McCormick of Cody, Wyoming, who possessed photographs of Jazmin Grace Grimaldi.  These photos derived from Christmas cards sent him years earlier by Tamara Rotolo.  

(McCormick befriended Rotolo after she ambushed the Prince with daughter in arms during his visit to Wyoming to commemorate Buffalo Bill’s historic meeting with the Prince’s great-great grandfather and namesake Prince Albert 1st, and Rotolo hollered to all who would listen that he was a “deadbeat dad” for not recognizing his child and paying child support.)

McCormick told FLOATER his photographs were for sale, that he’d turned down twenty-five thousand dollars and was looking for better offers.  He added that Paris Match paid him twenty thousand dollars for a “comprehensive interview,” and also that a “big name” freelance journalist was working on the Rotolo story.

Next, FLOATER made contact with the reporter charged with the “Prince Albert beat” at Paris Match:  intrepid correspondent Romain Clergeat, who agreed to meet our “author” in Paris at FLOATER’s earliest convenience.  Clergeat identified himself as the reporter who had interviewed Bruce McCormick.

On June 14th (2004)m I met the Prince in M-Base to facilitate separate SIS and CIA briefings, and to brief the Prince myself on FLOATER’s progress with Operation Hound Dog, which riveted his oft-deficient attention span.

FLOATER had visited Paris and met with Romain Clergeat of Paris Match, from whom he gleaned that publication’s perspective of the Prince, along with Clergeat’s main sources of information on the principality. 

FLOATER had next traveled to Rome and met with Michaela Aurti, who covered the Royal Beat for Oggi, and who had been writing about the Grimaldi family for fifteen years.

Now, FLOATER was in the midst of following up the various sources provided him. 

The Prince expressed amazement by what Operation Hound Dog had so quickly reaped.  He requested that we not only aggressively continue this ruse, but also include some of his close personal friends, who had been divulged as sources.

In March 2005, the Prince asked, What’s the latest on Operation Hound Dog?  

I had gone passive on it, inundated by more important matters, but as the Prince was very keen to know what others had to say about him behind his back I intended to recommence.

So n May 11th, FLOATER arrived in Monaco and hit the ground running for another round of Operation Hound Dog.  

The international media had just revealed that the Prince had an illegitimate son, Alexandre, sired with a black air stewardess from Togo named Nicole Coste.  (To me, the Prince blamed this fiasco on “weakness of the flesh.”)
It was thought his Paris lawyer, Thierry Lacoste, had botched the on-going negotiations, and out of frustration Nicole had gone public, possessed, the Prince told me, of an “African chip on her shoulder.”   

He added that his lawyer Lacoste “f----- up.”

I asked the Prince if he had any other children I should know about for future damage control.  

He answered no, full knowing there was likely another beyond Alexandre and Jazmin.

So I dispatched FLOATER to Paris to Hound Dog Steven Saltzman, the Prince's "friend," who insisted  that his lawyer, Thierry Lacoste (another princely leech), be present for their meeting.  

Their meeting took place in Lacoste’s office at 10 Rue Labie on May 18th.   

Saltzman began by trying to corral FLOATER’s “unauthorized biography of Prince Albert” into his domain on the basis that he controlled (so he said) all possible sources of information on the Prince. 

Without his say-so, said Saltzman, nobody of any consequence would speak to FLOATER. 

He portrayed himself as Albert’s gatekeeper while also suggesting he held the keys to the principality, while Thierry Lacoste backed him up and egged him on.  

Saltzman spoke as if he’d been granted some kind of special authority to handle or co-opt media projects about the Prince.

Soon after,  I regaled the Prince with FLOATER’s latest Operation Hound Dog exploits.

More journalists and sources had been met, providing us with hard information about who leaked what from the Prince’s royal court.  

And, of course, FLOATER’s recent meeting in Paris with Steven Saltzman and Thierry Lacoste.  

I read FLOATER’s report aloud:

A bizarre situation from the start with Steven Saltzman (SS).  He’s loud, rude, aggressive, obnoxious and overbearing.  SS played the dominant role while Thierry Lacoste (TL) patiently listened to me and played off  SS’s commentary.  SS took the meeting as a way of assessing if he, with TL’s assistance, could take control of the project under an “authorized” agreement.  “Listen,” said SS loudly, “you can do this two ways.  The first is make this an authorized biography for which Thierry will write a legal agreement that gives him full editorial approval, including galley proofs.  In return, you get access to extraordinary sources, some of which have never been heard from before.  You also get access to the subject of your book.”

“You could have an attorney,” TL interjected, implying that going forward was based upon retaining him for a fee.  “Or you can go the unauthorized way, which means you’ll get nothing from me or anyone else who asks the Palace if this has approval.”  Trying to ingratiate myself, without committing this project to them, I said I would not travel to Togo to exploit recent news coverage about Nicole Coste and her son.  

TL smirked at SS and said, “Well maybe you should.”

It was as if Lacoste wanted to embarrass his "friend," the Prince.

Excerpted from...

Available as a free download @...

Tuesday, April 14, 2015


Monaco Police Captain Yves Subraud possessed quite an agenda on 22 August 2005, starting with a painting that had allegedly been mishandled by Monaco’s Red Cross.  

Perhaps mishandled was not the right word.  

A valuable painting had disappeared, presumed misappropriated, by Philippe Narmino, Director-General of the Red Cross, and his friend, Gerard Brianti.
Actually, it was alleged they had stolen it.

Apparently, the woman who donated this painting happened upon it for sale at an art gallery in France.  Suspicious, she sought the gallery’s owner, who supposedly told her, “Oh, no, madam—this painting belongs to Gerard Brianti.”  

Where did Brianti fit in with Monaco’s Red Cross?  

In a scam that had been going on for ten years, Brianti’s company, Ageprim, enjoyed an exclusive deal with Monaco’s Red Cross to conduct valuations of everything donated to it:  art, automobiles, boats, and real estate.  

Brianti’s company invoiced the Monaco Red Cross an astonishing five percent of the value of every item assessed!  

Monaco Red Cross Director-General Philippe Narmino signed the checks paid to Ageprim.

That is how Brianti would have access to the painting.

This association—Narmino/Brianti—led Subraud into an explanation about a Monegasque faction of bisexuals, which he claimed was more influential in Monaco than the Freemasons.   

Subraud identified three opposing factions within the Monegasque establishment:  

1) Freemasons; 

2) Catholics; 

3) Bisexuals & homosexuals.  

Membership sometimes overlapped.  

Soon after, we cultivated a source within Monaco’s football team, with which Brianti was closely associated.  

Without the Prince’s permission, a new football coach had been appointed by the duo running the team—Michel Pastor and his cousin Brianti—from which Brianti allegedly received an illegal kickback.

Our football spy informed us that Monaco Football Investment (MFI), ostensibly a private company, received government funds; that MFI was in fact a Michel Pastor cover for utilizing government money to support Monaco’s football team—in violation of European football league rules.  

If exposed, this could result in Monaco’s expulsion from the league.  

HSBC in Monaco, which had loaned money to MFI, said our spy, also loaned three and a half million euros to Brianti personally “based on nothing” i.e. no collateral.  

And Brianti had just purchased a new boat, from Chantal in San Lorenzo, Italy, for 3-4 million euros, of which he paid 25 percent in cash, allegedly from football kickbacks.

On New Year's Eve (2005-6), one of my reliable assets told me that Gerard Brianti was the brains behind the Narmino/Pastor bad guy network; that his main link to the Prince was through his senior aide-de-camp Bruno Philipponnat.   

It was Brianti, he said, who had stolen money left behind by Jews deported from Monaco in 1944.   

According to the Paris Shoah Museum, Monaco’s police arrested and deported two hundred Jews when Germany replaced Italy as occupier of the principality in the latter years of World War II.  

Jean Geismar, a Belgian descendant of Albert Samdam and Alice Goughengheim, who perished at Auschwitz, had been trying to collect one million, four hundred thousand euros his ancestors left behind in Monaco—and he was being given the runaround.  

The principality has never made any restitution to its Holocaust victims. 

The in-house accountant from ASM, Monaco’s football team was brought to my office in M-Base because he did not know where else to turn.  

He provided me with documents that detailed financial irregularities and suspicious payments, including payments to Swiss accounts, which was illegal.  

It was also illegal for Gerard Brianti to commingle funds from ASM with Ageprim, his own company, yet these documents confirmed this is what Brianti had done and continued to do.  

This accountant told me he’d already made Prince Albert aware of the illegality of these transactions.  

He could not understand why the Prince, with such documentary evidence, had taken no action.

Excerpted from...

Available as a free download @...